Ten years that broke the Bourbon monarchy, invented modern political ideology, and gave the world a vocabulary — left, right, terror, citizen — that has never quite gone away.
Lede · Why this revolution.
The Revolution did not invent democracy or human rights — it inherited them from the Enlightenment and the Americans. What it invented was the modern political. The deliberate remaking of state, society, calendar, religion, and citizenship from a single legislative body, against the resistance of the established order and at the cost of perhaps 40,000 lives in the Terror.
Every modern political vocabulary is downstream. Left and right come from the seating of the National Assembly. Citizen — citoyen — became a form of address. The metric system is a Revolutionary product. Universal male conscription. The civil registration of births, marriages, and deaths. The Napoleonic Code. The French flag itself. None existed in 1788.
This deck takes the Revolution from the Estates General of May 1789 to Napoleon's coup of 9 November 1799 — the Revolutionary decade — in thirty-one leaves of dates, names, and arguments.
Chapter I · The world before.
France in 1788 was the most populous country in Europe — perhaps 28 million — and its richest, but its government was bankrupt. The cumulative cost of the Seven Years' War (1756–63) and the American Revolutionary War (1778–83) had pushed the royal debt past 12 billion livres. Roughly half of state revenue went to interest.
The state was financed by a tax system in which the First Estate (clergy, perhaps 130,000 strong, owning ten percent of the kingdom's land) and the Second Estate (nobility, perhaps 400,000, owning a quarter) paid almost nothing. The Third Estate — everyone else, more than 27 million people — paid the taille, the vingtième, the capitation, the gabelle on salt, the tithe to the Church, and the seigneurial dues to their landlord.
The bad harvest of 1788 made bread, the staple of three-quarters of urban food expenditure, prohibitively expensive. By the spring of 1789 a Parisian labourer might be spending 88 percent of wages on bread.
Chapter II · May 1789.
Louis XVI's finance minister Jacques Necker convinced the king to convoke the Estates General — for the first time since 1614 — to address the fiscal crisis. The body met at Versailles on 5 May 1789. Six hundred deputies of the Third Estate; three hundred each of the clergy and nobility.
The voting question. Traditional procedure was vote-by-order, which guaranteed the privileged orders a 2-to-1 majority. The Third Estate demanded vote-by-head, which would, given liberal clergy and nobility, produce a different answer. The king and the privileged orders refused.
Abbé Sieyès's pamphlet Qu'est-ce que le tiers état? (January 1789) had already framed the argument: "What is the Third Estate? Everything. What has it been until now in the political order? Nothing. What does it ask? To become something." On 17 June 1789, the Third Estate, joined by sympathetic clergy, declared itself the National Assembly.
Chapter III · 20 June 1789.
On 20 June 1789, finding their hall locked (officially for repairs), the deputies of the National Assembly gathered in a nearby indoor tennis court — the Jeu de Paume — and swore "never to separate, and to reassemble wherever circumstances require, until the constitution of the kingdom is established and consolidated upon firm foundations."
Five hundred and seventy-seven of 578 deputies signed. The single dissenter, Joseph Martin-Dauch of Castelnaudary, signed his name with the word opposant. Jacques-Louis David's painting Le Serment du Jeu de Paume, commissioned 1791 and never finished, fixed the moment in revolutionary memory.
The oath was the first explicit declaration that sovereignty resided in the representatives of the nation, not in the king. Within a week — on 27 June — Louis XVI, faced with a National Assembly that was not going away, ordered the remaining clergy and nobility to join. The Estates General had become, formally, the Constituent Assembly.
Chapter IV · 14 July 1789.
Louis XVI had been concentrating royal troops around Paris through late June. On 11 July he dismissed Necker — the popular finance minister — sparking fears of an aristocratic coup. Crowds in Paris armed themselves; on 13 July they raided the Hôtel des Invalides and took 30,000 muskets but no powder.
The powder was at the Bastille, the medieval royal fortress in the Faubourg Saint-Antoine. The crowd of perhaps a thousand besieged it through the morning of 14 July 1789. The garrison of 82 invalides and 32 Swiss Guards under Bernard-René de Launay resisted briefly; mutinous Gardes Françaises with cannon turned the balance. De Launay surrendered on a promise of safe conduct, was killed by the crowd, and his head paraded on a pike.
The Bastille held seven prisoners — four forgers, two lunatics, one libertine. The military significance was modest; the symbolic significance was total. When informed of the storming that night, the king is said to have asked the Duc de La Rochefoucauld: "Is this a revolt?" The reply: "No, sire, it is a revolution."
Chapter V · August 1789.
On the night of 4 August 1789, the Constituent Assembly abolished feudalism. Aristocrats stood up in succession to renounce their seigneurial privileges; the August Decrees, formalised over the following days, ended serfdom (though almost none survived in France), tithes, hunting rights, special tax exemptions, and the sale of judicial offices.
The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, drafted principally by Lafayette in consultation with Jefferson (then US ambassador to France), passed on 26 August 1789. Seventeen articles. Article 1: "Men are born and remain free and equal in rights." Article 2: the natural rights are "liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression." Article 6: the law is the expression of the general will.
The Declaration is the foundational text of modern French constitutional law and an explicit influence on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948). It said nothing about women — a gap Olympe de Gouges's Declaration of the Rights of Woman (1791) attempted to close.
Chapter VI · October 1789.
Bread had become impossible to find. On the morning of 5 October 1789, several thousand Parisian market women — with whatever weapons they could muster, kitchen knives mostly — set out to march the twelve miles to Versailles. They were joined that afternoon by Lafayette and the Paris National Guard, who reluctantly went with them rather than against.
The crowd reached Versailles in the evening. They forced their way into the palace at dawn on 6 October, killed two of the queen's guards on the steps to her chamber, and demanded the royal family return to Paris. Marie Antoinette appeared on the balcony with Lafayette; he kissed her hand; the crowd, calmed momentarily, agreed.
That afternoon Louis XVI, the queen, the dauphin, the National Assembly, and the bakery cart from Versailles travelled the day-long road back to Paris. The royal family installed themselves in the Tuileries. They would not see Versailles again. The march transferred the locus of power decisively from the court to the city.
Chapter VII · 1789–91.
For two years the Revolution settled into the project of building a constitutional monarchy. The Constituent Assembly produced an extraordinary legislative output: the abolition of internal customs (1790), the standardisation of weights and measures (the metric system, definitively adopted 1795), the reorganisation of France into 83 departments (March 1790), the suppression of religious orders, the nationalisation of church land (the biens nationaux) to underwrite the new assignat currency.
The Civil Constitution of the Clergy (12 July 1790) made priests elected officials of the state and required them to swear an oath of loyalty to the constitution. About half the parish clergy refused — they became réfractaires, refractory priests, the Revolution's first organised internal opposition. The Pope condemned the Civil Constitution in March 1791. The break with Catholic France was permanent.
Mirabeau died in April 1791, removing the most skilful broker between the Crown and the Assembly. The constitutional project lost its moderate centre.
Chapter VIII · September 1791.
Adopted 3 September 1791. France became a constitutional monarchy with a single-chamber Legislative Assembly, an executive king with suspensive veto, and an independent judiciary. The franchise was restricted to "active citizens" — adult males paying the equivalent of three days' labour in tax — about 4.3 million of an adult male population of perhaps 7 million.
The constitution institutionalised the Declaration of Rights as its preamble. It abolished primogeniture, established the indivisibility of the French nation, ended the special status of Brittany and other historic provinces, and declared the king a delegate of the nation rather than a sovereign by divine right.
Louis XVI accepted the constitution on 14 September 1791. The Constituent Assembly, having completed its work, dissolved itself; the new Legislative Assembly convened on 1 October. The constitution would last eleven months. The fall of the monarchy on 10 August 1792 ended it.
Chapter IX · 20 June 1791.
The royal family had been planning escape since the spring. On the night of 20–21 June 1791, Louis XVI, Marie Antoinette, their two children, and the royal sister Madame Elisabeth left the Tuileries disguised as the household of a Russian baroness. The carriage — a slow, conspicuous berline — made it 240 kilometres east before being recognised at Sainte-Menehould by the postmaster Jean-Baptiste Drouet.
They were arrested at Varennes-en-Argonne, 30 kilometres from the Austrian frontier and possible safety. The journey back to Paris took three days under guard. Crowds along the route, briefly, observed silence rather than acclamation — already an indictment.
The flight was the political turning point of the early Revolution. The king who had publicly accepted the new order had attempted to flee to a foreign army — he had left a manifesto repudiating his Revolutionary acts. The fiction that the king was a willing constitutional monarch could not be maintained. Republicanism, until then a marginal opinion, became a viable political programme.
Chapter X · October 1791 – August 1792.
The new assembly that took office in October 1791 was, by the Constituent Assembly's own self-denying ordinance, composed entirely of new members. The result was an inexperienced body of 745 deputies, divided between the right (the Feuillants, defending the constitutional monarchy), the left (the Jacobins and Cordeliers), and a large uncommitted centre.
The dominant question was war. The Girondins — provincial deputies clustered around Brissot, Vergniaud, Roland — pushed for war with Austria, both to expose the king's loyalties and to spread the Revolution. Robespierre opposed: "no one loves armed missionaries." On 20 April 1792 the Assembly declared war on Austria. Prussia entered against France in May. The Revolutionary Wars had begun; they would not end for twenty-three years, until Waterloo.
The early military results were disastrous. French armies fled at the first contact; aristocratic émigré officers were suspected of treason. The Brunswick Manifesto of 25 July 1792 — threatening Paris with "exemplary and forever memorable vengeance" if the royal family were harmed — sealed the monarchy's fate.
Chapter XI · 10 August 1792.
On the morning of 10 August 1792, an armed insurrection of Parisian sections (organised neighbourhood militias) and federal troops from Marseille and Brittany — the fédérés, who brought with them the marching song that would become the Marseillaise — assaulted the Tuileries Palace. The Swiss Guard defending the royal family was massacred to a man, perhaps 600 dead. The royal family fled to the Legislative Assembly.
The Assembly suspended the king, voted to convene a new National Convention elected by universal male suffrage, and confined the royal family in the Temple, a medieval fortress in the Marais. The constitutional monarchy had lasted less than a year.
The 10 August insurrection is the conventional marker of the Revolution's radicalisation. From this point, the moderate Feuillants disappeared from politics, the Girondins held the centre, and the Jacobin left — the Mountain, so called for the high benches it occupied — set the tempo.
Chapter XII · 2–7 September 1792.
News of the fall of Verdun (the last fortress between the Prussian army and Paris) arrived on 2 September 1792. Panic, the threat of armed invasion, fear of an aristocratic prison conspiracy, and the inflammatory rhetoric of Jean-Paul Marat's L'Ami du peuple combined to produce five days of mass killing.
Crowds entered the Paris prisons — the Abbaye, La Force, Bicêtre, the Salpêtrière — and set up summary tribunals. Between 1,100 and 1,400 prisoners were killed, of whom roughly half were political suspects (priests, nobles, alleged royalists) and half common criminals. The Princesse de Lamballe, Marie Antoinette's friend, was killed at La Force; her head was carried on a pike past the queen's window in the Temple.
The massacres were not officially ordered, but the Paris Commune did not stop them and Marat publicly endorsed them. They marked the first appearance of organised Revolutionary violence directed at internal enemies, and they introduced into French political life the unsettling possibility that the people, in person, could substitute for legal process.
Chapter XIII · September 1792 – October 1795.
The National Convention met for the first time on 20 September 1792 — the same day the army of Dumouriez and Kellermann checked the Prussian advance at the cannonade of Valmy, an event Goethe (an observer in the Prussian camp) called the start of "a new era in the history of the world." Twenty-four hours later, on 21 September, the Convention abolished the monarchy. On 22 September, the Year One of the French Republic began.
The Convention contained 749 deputies. Politically: about 200 Girondins on the right, 200 on the Mountain (Jacobins, principally Robespierre, Danton, Marat, Saint-Just), and roughly 350 in the centre — the Plain, or contemptuously the Marsh, whose votes determined every major outcome.
The Convention would draft a new constitution (1793, never enacted), create the Committee of Public Safety, prosecute the Terror, dechristianise France, raise armies of 800,000, win the war on every frontier, and finally, after Thermidor, reorganise itself into the Directory. Three years; the Republic's most consequential.
Chapter XIV · January 1793.
The Convention put the king on trial in December 1792. The discovery of the armoire de fer — an iron cabinet at the Tuileries containing Louis's correspondence with the émigrés and foreign powers — provided documentary evidence of the charges of treason.
The vote on guilt: unanimous. The vote on penalty: 387 for death, 334 for imprisonment or conditional death. The narrowest margin in any of the Convention's decisions; Philippe Égalité — the Duc d'Orléans, the king's cousin, deputy from Paris — voted for death. The vote on a stay of execution failed 380-310.
On the morning of 21 January 1793, Louis XVI was driven through the city in a closed carriage to the Place de la Révolution (the present Place de la Concorde). He attempted to address the crowd from the scaffold; a drum-roll cut him off. Charles-Henri Sanson, the executioner, performed the office. The king's last words: "I die innocent of all the crimes imputed to me." European royal courts went into shock; the British ambassador was recalled; Britain declared war on France within ten days.
Chapter XV · June 1793.
The Girondins had pushed France into war and presided over the early military catastrophes. They opposed the September Massacres (with reservations), opposed the king's execution (most voted against death), and opposed the centralising tendency of the Paris-based Jacobins. They were the Revolution's federalist wing.
Through the spring of 1793, with Vendée in revolt, federal cities (Lyon, Marseille, Bordeaux, Caen) defying Paris, and the war going badly, the Girondins lost the political argument. On 2 June 1793, Parisian sections — perhaps 80,000 armed sans-culottes — surrounded the Convention and demanded the arrest of 29 Girondin deputies. The Convention complied.
The Girondins were expelled, fled, were captured, or surrendered. Twenty-one were executed on 31 October 1793 in a single day at the guillotine. Madame Roland, prominent Girondin salonnière, was executed 8 November; her last words: "O liberty, what crimes are committed in your name." The Mountain held the Convention alone.
Chapter XVI · April 1793.
Created on 6 April 1793. Originally nine members; eventually twelve. By the summer of 1793 it had become the effective executive of the French government — a war cabinet of the Convention, renewable monthly, that conducted foreign policy, managed the war, and supervised the ministries.
The members who mattered. Maximilien Robespierre, the moralist; Louis Antoine de Saint-Just, the youngest at 25, the architect of the Terror's logic; Lazare Carnot, the military reorganiser known as the Organiser of Victory, who oversaw the conscription that produced the 800,000-man army of 1794; Bertrand Barère, the orator and reporter; Georges Couthon, paralysed from the waist down, who took the lead in dechristianisation.
The Committee's powers were never fully constitutional, but the Convention voted them month after month because the alternative — military collapse, federalist fragmentation, royalist restoration — was worse. The price was that France, for fifteen months, was governed by twelve men in a small room above the Tuileries, who decided who lived and who died.
Chapter XVII · The incorruptible.
Lawyer from Arras, deputy from the Estates General onward, member of the Jacobin Club from its first days. Robespierre (1758–1794) was the Revolution's most relentless theorist of virtue. Frugal, austere, never married, dressed in pre-Revolutionary breeches and powdered hair while his sans-culotte allies wore trousers — the contradictions were visible.
His political theology was Rousseauean. The general will was sovereign; virtue was the foundation of republican government; in time of revolution, virtue must be enforced by terror. The 5 February 1794 speech to the Convention is the canonical statement: "Virtue, without which terror is fatal; terror, without which virtue is impotent."
Robespierre was the most powerful man in France from the summer of 1793 to the late summer of 1794. He pushed through the Law of 22 Prairial (10 June 1794), which streamlined the Revolutionary Tribunal into a near-automated death sentence. In the seven weeks that followed, 1,376 people were executed in Paris alone.
Chapter XVIII · September 1793 – July 1794.
The Terror was systematic. The Law of Suspects (17 September 1793) authorised the arrest of anyone who "by their conduct, their relations, their words, or their writings, have shown themselves partisans of tyranny or federalism." Three hundred thousand were imprisoned at the height of it.
The targets shifted. Federalists in the spring; Girondins in the autumn; the "ultra-revolutionary" Hébertists in March 1794; the "indulgent" Dantonists in April 1794. Once Robespierre and the Committee had executed the right and the left of their own movement, the only remaining direction was inward.
Chapter XIX · 13 July 1793.
Jean-Paul Marat (1743–1793), the Swiss-born physician-turned-journalist, edited L'Ami du peuple, the most violently inflammatory paper of the Revolution. He had defended the September Massacres, called for the heads of "200,000 traitors," and was associated more than anyone with the rhetoric of mob justice. By 1793 he suffered from a debilitating skin condition that required him to spend most of the day in a medicinal bath.
Charlotte Corday, a 24-year-old Norman from a minor noble family, sympathiser of the Girondins exiled in Caen, travelled alone to Paris with the explicit intention of killing Marat to halt the Terror. She talked her way into his apartment on the rue des Cordeliers on the evening of 13 July 1793, presenting herself as having a list of Girondin conspirators. As Marat reached for paper, she stabbed him once in the chest with a kitchen knife. He died within minutes.
Corday made no attempt to escape. She was tried on 17 July, executed the same day. Jacques-Louis David's painting The Death of Marat (1793) — Marat dead in the bath, holding her petition — became the Revolution's secular pietà.
Chapter XX · 8 June 1794.
The Revolution's relationship to religion was unstable. The Civil Constitution of the Clergy (1790) had subordinated the church to the state. The radical Hébertists in late 1793 pushed dechristianisation further: the closure of churches, the conversion of Notre-Dame into a Temple of Reason (10 November 1793), the revolutionary calendar (replacing Sunday with the décadi, the tenth day of the décade).
Robespierre, a deist, found dechristianisation politically dangerous and personally offensive. On 7 May 1794 he had the Convention adopt the existence of the Supreme Being and the immortality of the soul as official doctrine. The Festival of the Supreme Being, on 8 June 1794, was the Revolution's most elaborate civic ceremony — David designed it, Robespierre presided in a sky-blue coat from a flower-strewn artificial mountain in the Champ de Mars.
The festival was the apex of Robespierre's authority and the beginning of the end. To his enemies, the spectacle of the Incorruptible at the centre of a civic religion looked uncomfortably like a man preparing to be a god. Seven weeks later he was dead.
Chapter XXI · 9 Thermidor / 27 July 1794.
Robespierre delivered his last great speech to the Convention on 8 Thermidor (26 July). He denounced unnamed conspirators inside the government, refused to name them, and demanded purges. The deputies who recognised themselves in the description — Fouché, Tallien, Barras, Collot d'Herbois, Billaud-Varenne — concluded that they would die unless they killed him first.
The next day, 9 Thermidor (27 July 1794), Robespierre tried to address the Convention. Cries of "Down with the tyrant!" cut him off. Saint-Just was shouted down. The Convention voted the arrest of Robespierre, Saint-Just, Couthon, Robespierre's brother Augustin, and Le Bas. The Paris Commune attempted to rescue them; the National Guard arrived first. In the chaos at the Hôtel de Ville that night, Robespierre's jaw was shattered (it is still debated whether by his own pistol or another's).
On 10 Thermidor (28 July), Robespierre, Saint-Just, Couthon, and nineteen others were guillotined without trial in the Place de la Révolution. The next day, seventy-one members of the Paris Commune followed. The Terror was over.
Chapter XXII · 1795–1799.
The Thermidorian Convention spent fourteen months dismantling the apparatus of the Terror. Released suspects; closed the Jacobin Club (November 1794); restored freedom of worship; tolerated the return of Girondin survivors. The Constitution of the Year III (August 1795) replaced the Convention with a bicameral legislature (the Council of Five Hundred and the Council of Ancients) and a five-member executive — the Directory.
The Directory was a regime of survival. Civilian, anti-Jacobin, anti-royalist (it suppressed the royalist Vendémiaire rising of October 1795 — Napoleon Bonaparte's first political role, with the famous "whiff of grapeshot"), corrupt, dependent on military victory abroad to mask economic and political failure at home.
The wars went better than the politics. Bonaparte's Italian campaign of 1796–97 made him a national hero and produced the Treaty of Campo Formio. The Egyptian expedition (1798–99) was a strategic failure but a propaganda success. By 1799 the Directors themselves saw a coup as the only remedy. They selected Bonaparte to be their instrument; they had not understood whom they were selecting.
Chapter XXIII · 18–19 Brumaire / 9–10 November 1799.
The plot was Sieyès's, with Talleyrand's diplomatic backing and Fouché's police neutrality assured. Bonaparte was the soldier they needed. On 18 Brumaire (9 November 1799), the Council of Ancients — under the pretext of a Jacobin plot — was moved to Saint-Cloud, outside the Paris jurisdiction, with Bonaparte assigned to "protect" it.
The next day, Bonaparte addressed the Council of Five Hundred. He was shouted down, mobbed by deputies crying "outlaw"; his brother Lucien, presiding, summoned grenadiers from the courtyard. Murat's troops cleared the chamber at bayonet point. A rump session that night abolished the Directory and named Bonaparte, Sieyès, and Roger Ducos as provisional consuls.
The Constitution of the Year VIII, drafted within weeks, made Bonaparte First Consul with effectively monarchical powers. Sieyès, having helped destroy the Old Regime in 1789 and the Republic in 1799, retired wealthy. The Revolution was over. Bonaparte would be First Consul, then Consul for Life, then Emperor (2 December 1804). The Republic's ten-year experiment had ended in an autocracy that called itself a republic.
Chapter XXIV · Why it happened.
Three layers of causation, in rough order of duration.
Long-term economic. France's tax base, structured on the privileges of the First and Second Estates, could not bear the cost of great-power competition with Britain. The fiscal crisis was structural, not transient. Necker, Calonne, and Brienne all proposed reforms; all failed at the political obstacle.
Mid-term ideological. The Enlightenment had legitimised, over fifty years, a vocabulary in which the Old Regime was indefensible. Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot, Montesquieu had not started the Revolution, but the Third Estate's deputies in May 1789 spoke their language. The American Revolution had demonstrated that a republic could be built.
Short-term political. The harvest failure of 1788 and the bread crisis of spring 1789. The summoning of the Estates General without a clear royal programme. Louis XVI's pattern of conceding under pressure and then reversing privately. The Brunswick Manifesto. Each precipitating event mattered; together they produced the specific course the Revolution took.
Chapter XXV · What survived.
The Revolution's institutional legacy is enormous. The metric system. The civil registration of population. The departments. The merit-based civil service. The Napoleonic Code (1804), drafted from Revolutionary jurisprudence and exported across Europe. The principle of legal equality. The end of seigneurial property. The end of the established Catholic Church as a co-sovereign of the state.
Its political vocabulary structures every modern argument. Left and right from the Constituent Assembly's seating. Conservative, liberal, radical, reactionary as political identities. Citizen as the basic unit of political address. Nation as the source of sovereignty.
The Revolution also bequeathed a darker inheritance. The legitimacy of revolutionary violence in pursuit of virtue. The conviction that political opponents are not merely wrong but counter-revolutionary. The instrumentalisation of state power against suspects rather than convicted criminals. Every twentieth-century totalitarianism — Bolshevism, Maoism, Khmer Rouge — explicitly invoked Jacobin precedent.
Chapter XXVI · The historiography.
The Revolution has been continuously re-fought by its historians. The classic French left tradition — Albert Mathiez, Georges Lefebvre, Albert Soboul — read it as a class struggle of the bourgeoisie and the sans-culottes against the aristocracy, with Robespierre as a hero who tried to push beyond the bourgeois settlement.
François Furet (1927–1997) broke the consensus. Penser la Révolution française (1978) argued that the Revolution went wrong from 1789, not from 1793 — that the Terror was implicit in the Revolution's discourse of indivisible popular sovereignty. The book reset the terms of the debate; the Soboul-Mathiez Marxist reading has not really recovered.
Simon Schama's Citizens (1989, the bicentenary year) is the major Anglophone narrative — a thousand pages, beautifully written, openly hostile to Revolutionary violence. Eric Hobsbawm's The Age of Revolution (1962) places the French Revolution alongside the British Industrial Revolution as the twin engines of modernity. Lynn Hunt, William Doyle, David Andress, Timothy Tackett are the contemporary academic anchors.
Chapter XXVII · A shelf of twenty-two.
Chapter XXVIII · Watch & read.
↑ The French Revolution · Crash Course World History #29
Watch · Citizens · Simon Schama
Watch · The deadly history of the Reign of Terror
Read Schama's Citizens (1989) for the narrative; Doyle's Oxford History (1989) for the analysis; Furet's Penser la Révolution française (1978) for the most influential modern argument. Scurr's Fatal Purity (2006) is the best one-volume biography of Robespierre in English.
The French Revolution — Volume III, History, of The Deck Catalog. Set in Bebas Neue and Oswald for display, Tiempos Text for body. Tricolor at #002654 and #ce1126; paper at #f7f2e8.
Thirty-one leaves on the ten years that broke an old kingdom and remade what a state could be. The argument is unfinished; we are still in it.
↑ Vol. III · History · The French Revolution